14th to 18th July, 2016

Organise Mass Campaign


We Believe:

(1) Complete National independence and uncompromising anti-imperialist struggle for attaining it.(2) A thoroughly modern and socialists state.(3) Scientific large-scale production for the economic regeneration of the country.(4) Social ownership and control of both production and distribution.(5) Freedom for the individual in the matter of religious worship.(6) Equal rights for every individual.(7) Linguistic and cultural autonomy for all sections of the Indian Community.(8) Application of the principles of equality and social justice in building up the New Order in Free India.

We Should:

(1) Implement anti-corruption laws strictly. (2) Intensify the Campaign against drug and alcoholic addiction. (3) Equire all Chit Fund scams and introduce more stringent mechanism to curb the mushrooming of chit funds.(4) Stop atrocities against women and ensure gender equality.


Rebuild India

After 56 years of independence, hundreds of problems have heaped up to cripple our national life. The poor have become poorer, while a handful of capitalist rich people have enormously inflated their earnings. Unemployment is steadily going up, health & education are far away from the reach of the common people. More......

Desh Prem Divas

We are surprised to see again that the Govt. of India has raised the issue of 'Bharat Ratna' at the eve of 15th August, the 68th Independence Day of our Country. The name of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has been floated deliberately in this regard. We, on behalf of All India Forward Bloc vehemently oppose this.More......

Com. Asok Ghosh Died

Veteran Forward Bloc leader and the General Secretary of the party’s Bengal Committee died on 3rd March 2016 at Kolkata. He was 94. He was admitted in a private hospital Kolkata last month due to respiratory and other related problems.More......

Leader of Leaders

You can find here some of the important leaders whose life itself a ideology.

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Ideology is the system of ideas upon which man, as a social being, plans his actions. We have not merely for the present but also for the future. Hence the need to think and plan ahead. Hence it is necessary that we must have a comprehensive view of life, a clear insight into the forces and factors that lead to progress or regress, into the laws and methods of their working and precise formulation of our ideals and objectives with due regard to these forces and factors which help or impede us in our march. In simple, a political party to be worth its existence, must have an ideology, - a system of thought to guide its actions.

 As a political figure Netaji stands out first and foremost as a Leftist and Revolutionary. He is the arch-enemy of British Imperialism and the most astute revolutionary of the age. His consistently leftists stand and strategy are rooted in his ideological convictions as much as these are supported by his unlimited audacity and daring. It was because he had a correct view of the forces at work and of the objective of national struggle, that he could give a masterly analysis of the Leftist movement, its difference from Rightism, it strength and weakness and the path it should follow.

            Netaji applies the Hegelian dialetic for the interpretation of a movement and of the rise of Leftism within it:

            “Several theories may be put forward by way of explanation, but the one that appeals to me most and which in my view, approximates to reality more than any other – is Hegelian Dialectic. Progress is neither unilinear, nor is it always peaceful in character. Progress often takes place through conflict.

            Out of the conflict between ‘thesis’ and ‘anti-thesis’ ‘synthesis’ is born. This “synthesis” in its turn becomes the “thesis” of the next phase of evolution. This “thesis” throws up an “antithesis” and the conflict is resolved by further “synthesis”. Thus the wheels of progress move on and on.”

--Forward Bloc, 5-8-39

            From the dialectical point of view, a leftwing appears as the antithesis of the main stream of a movement which, through conflict with the left, becomes the rightwing.

            “When the main stream of a Movement begins to stagnate, but there is still vitality in the Movement as a whole a leftwing invariably appears. The main function of the leftwing is to stimulate the progress when there is a danger of its being arrested. The appearance of a leftwing is followed by a conflict between it and the main stream which now becomes the Rightwing. This conflict is a temporary phase and through it a higher stage is reached when the conflict is resolved. The solution of the conflict takes place through some sort of agreement or adjustment whereby the leftwing tends to dominate the Movement as a whole. Thus the leftwing becomes in time, the main stream of the Movement.”

- Meaing of Leftism, Jan. 1941.

            Thus  in 1919, when the official Congress having lost its dynamism could not stand up to the situation of the post-war India and seemed to be stagnating, -

            “At this juncture a Leftwing appeared in the form of Gandhi Movement. Conflict ensued for the time and the old leaders were driven out of the Congress or voluntarily withdrew. Ultimately a “synthesis” took place. The Congress accepted the tenets of Mahatma Gandhi and the Leftwing then became the official Congress.”


            A movement or a particular phase of it begins to stagnate when it loses its dynamism.

            “So long as it can assimilate from outside and go on creating something new, decay cannot set in.”


            For twenty years Gandhism maintained its hold on the Indian National Congress. This was possible because –

            “Whenever revolts appeared, the Gandhi Movement took the wind out of their sails by accepting many of their ideas and policies.”

- Ibid.

            In 1925 the Gandhites accepted the Swarajist Programme of non-cooperation within the Legislature. In 1929, Gandhiji, thanks to the revold of the Independence League, himself moved the resolution at the Lahore Congress declaring Independence instead of Dominion Status as the goal of the Indian National Congress.

            “By this process assimilation, the Gandhi Movement was able to maintain its progressive character and prevent the emergence of any big Leftwing movement.”


            But stagnation had set in by 1934 when Gandhiji surrendered to the rightist demand for parliamentary programme. Between the Swarajist programme of non-cooperation within legisltaure of 1925 and the rightist programme of working the reforms in 1935 there is a gulf of difference. The former was a purely leftist constitutional activities directed as it was towards wrecking diarchy and the Act of 1919, and leading India along the path of complete independence. The latter was directed to operate the constitution of 1935 not for wrecking it but to reap out of it whatever benefit it was possible to gather. As year after year passed by, the country became more and more eager for a revolutionary programme and direct action. Far from acceding to this insistent demand, the rightists stiffened their attitude to teh left. In September 1938 at the Delhi A.I.C.C. meeting they raised the cry that co-operation with the leftists was no longer possible. The reasons, primarily, were the leftist President’s (Netaji’s) opposition to the proposed federation, his sponsoring of the National Planning Committee and his advocacy for early resumption of national struggle. By 1941 the position, as stated by Netaji was:

            “We are now living in the Blitzkrieg period of history and if we do not move with the times, we shall have to go under. So far Ganghiji has been unable to prove by his action that he can keep abreast of the times and lead the nation – and this accords with our belief that the Gandhi movement is becoming static and hidebound.”

- Ibid.

            At that fateful hour of the country Netaji predicted that peaceful parliamentary life and ministerial office will be the political grave of Gandhism Under the influence of ministerial office many a Congressman have turned from the thorny path of Revolution to the rosy path of Constitutionalism. They have also had a taste of power and are anxious to monopolise it. Having fallen victim to Constitutionalism and Authoritarianism the Gandhi Movement became stagnant and “ceased to be revolutionary”.

            “Ever since Gandhism has begun to stagnate and a big leftwing has emerged opposition to it, the Gandhites have become Rightists and Gandhian Consolidation has come to mean Right Consolidation. Philosophically speaking. Right consolidateion is the “thesis” which demands its “antithesis” and the conflict following in its wake, no further progress is possible. All those who believe in progress and desire it should therefore actively assist in this task of Left Consolidation and should be prepared for the conflict resulting therefrom.”


            So, Left consolidation against the Right becomes a compelling necessity. The genuine Leftist has to fight at two fronts – viz., against imperialist and against Rightists. Netaji repeatedly warned his followers against the pseudo-Leftists who shrink at the Rightist onslaught and try to “hide their weakness under the plea of unity”.

            “We have to distinguish between real unity and false unity between the unity of action and the unity of inaction – between the unity which makes for progress and the unity which brings stagnation. Today the slogan of unity at any price and under all circumstances is a convenient slogan in the mouths of those who have lost dynamism and revolutionary urge.”

- F.B. Weekly, 5-8-1939.

            It was when existing Leftist parties failed to grasp this situation and accept their proper role, that the Forward Bloc came as “the product of historical necessity.”

            “The Forward Bloc has appeared because the Congress must enter on a new phase in its revolutionary process.”

-- Ibid.

            Netaji was not at all frustrated by the apparent failure of the Leftist Consolidation in 1939. He knew that a real Left Consolidation is not possible unless false Leftists are first eliminated. He was confident that

            “History will separate the chaff from the grain, -- the pseudo-Leftists from genuine Leftists. When this elimination takes place all the genuine Leftists will come together and fusion will take place. By this natural or historical process, Left Consolidation will be achieved. For this purpose, the acid test of a fight on a double front is essential. Those who pass this test will be the genuine Leftists and they will all coalesce in time.”

-- Meaning of Leftism.

            And he was fonfident too that since India’s political movement cannot end abruptly and since stagnation has overtaken the Right, “the logic of history demands a big Left Movement so that progress may continue.” Leftism is bound to prevail over the entire political movement.

While going to explain and define Leftism Netaji divided in into two phases and wrote in 1941:

            “In present political phase of Indian life, leftism means anti-imperialism. A genuine anti-imperialist is one who believes in undiluted Independence (not Mahatma Gandhi’s substance of Independence) as the political objective and in uncompromising antional struggle as the means for attaining it. After the attainment of political Independence Leftism will mean Socialism and the task before the people will then be the reconstruction of national life on a socialist basis.”

-- Meaning of Leftism.

            As an anti-imperialist Netaji stood all along for uncompromising struggle and would brook no deal with imperialism as our “milk and water nationalists”, Socialism and dialectics, he accepted class struggle as a necessary fact, the conflict between the thesis and anti-thesis of the capitalist exploiters on the one hand and the exploited masses on the other. He also believed that although socialist reconstruction is not possible before political emancipation, the struggle for socialism, i.e. class struggle, and the struggle for independence may go on simultaneously and need not necessarily follow the Russian precedent.

            “In my opinion, however, the fight for political freedom will have to be conducted simultaneously with the fight for socio-economic emancipation. The party that will bring political freedom to India will be the party that will also put into effect the entire programme of socio-economic reconstruction.”

            -- Interview with Romain Rolland 3-4-1935.

            He even visualised the contingency that the economic struggle might break away from the united national front and itself become the main stream of the freedom movement.

            “What would be Mon. Rolland’s attitude if the united front policy of the Indian National Congress fails to win freedom for India and a radical party emerges which identifies itself with the interest of the peasants and workers?”

            -- Ibid.

            In order to link together the forces of political and social revolution, Netaji was in favour of collective affiliation of workers’ and peasants organisations to the Congress. In his presidential speech at Haripura, he expressed the view that:

            “We shall have to grant this affiliation in order to bring all progressive and anti-imperialist organisations under the influence and control of the Congress.” (19-2-1938)

            Owing to the rightist opposition, the President Subhas Chandra Bose failed to carry out this programme of collective affiliation and to convert the Congress into a broad-based mass party. Hence the alternative was always in his mind, that a radical party identified with workers and peasants will emerge to lead the war of independence and to under-take far-reaching socio-economic reform.

            Keenly alive as he was to be economic needs of man and to the material forces which operate as the most powerful drive behind the Socialist revolution, Netaji completely identified himself and his Party with the exploited masses of India. Freedom has no meaning for him unless the starving millions are liberated from the tentacles of imperialism and capitalism which have gripped them for the last two centuries.

            “The evils resulting from industrial capitalism are due largely to the accmulation of wealth in the hands of a few and to abnormally large dividends which are gathered either at the cost of sweated labour or at the cost of the exploited consumer in colonial and semi-colonial countries.”

            -- Tatas under Hammer, 31-12-1935

            This capitalistic and imperialist exploitation created a division of economic classes all over the world, the classes of exploiters and exploited, haves and have nots, who are committed to a desperate struggle.

            “Every nation could be divided into haves and have-nots. The have-nots will spontaneously support the revolution and they are the majority in our country.”

-- Revolution, what it is, p.12

            Thus Netaji’s place has not been in the ivory tower of a dreamer or idealist but in “the hard facts of life – that beset the path of a fighter.” The political freedom of India must implement complete economic emancipation of the masses. Hence the slogan and battlecry – “All Power to the Indian People.”

Party Flag

The flag of the party shall be a red flag of which the length shall be one- and- a-half time its width. There shall be a leaping tiger on the flag with the tiger facing the top of the pole. At the right top of the flag there shall be a crossed hammer and sickle, just above the tiger's tail. The body of the tiger shall be in yellow and block; Hammer and sickle be in white.


The election symbol of the party is "Lion".

Mass Organisations

The Party shall work in the following fronts and mass organizations.



'Netaji Bhavan', T-2235/2, Ashok Nagar,
Faiz Road, Karol Bagh,
New Delhi, 110005


011 2875 4273




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